Saturday, March 28, 2009

范蘭欽症候群…我就是喜歡被統

(http://www.libertytimes.com.tw/2009/new/mar/26/today-o6.htm).
3/26/2009

范蘭欽症候群…我就是喜歡被統
◎ 賴孟玲


郭冠英說出了他的心聲,也將諸多范蘭欽們隱藏在內心已久的秘密說了出來,大中國的意識根深柢固難以動搖,寧可被當年漢賊不兩立的中國共產黨統一,也不願自由民主的台灣有一丁點兒獨立的可能。最諷刺的是郭冠英拿台灣憲法保護人民的言論自由為自己辯護。

馬總統選前「台灣第一,台灣優先」,「捍衛中華民國」的口號震天響,在他上台後已成過眼雲煙。目前積極地執行邁向統一的政策:陳雲林來台時國號、國旗、總統稱謂統統不見;經濟上向中國絕對傾斜,外交上得了外交休兵軟骨症;軍事上裁軍並向軍人強調任內兩岸不會有戰爭;在國際空間的擴展上退居被動,完全期待中國的善意施捨;在人權維護上不敢聲援西藏,譴責中國軍事鎮壓、拒絕達賴喇嘛訪台;不論是參加WHO或與他國簽訂FTA都要中國點頭才進行,就連觀光陸客來台人數也完全掌握在中國官方的手裡,以上種種都讓台灣陷入被統戰、被挾制的狀態之中。

以馬政府的想法是只要做不要說,表面宣示的是愛台灣並強調維持現狀,但是暗地裡執行的是一個中國的統一時程表。如果我們再不警覺的話,等到台灣變成中國的特區時,我們恐怕就後悔莫及了。

(作者從商)

Tuesday, March 10, 2009

電影-- 被出賣的福爾摩沙(Formosa Betrayed)

http://www.taiwanus.net/news/press/2009/200903092201591661.htm

描述台灣白色恐怖/被出賣的福爾摩沙 在美試映

以台灣白色恐怖為題材的美國電影「被出賣的福爾摩沙(Formosa Betrayed)」終於在今年二月殺青,並於二月二十八日為投資人舉行了首場試映會。製作人刁毓能(Will Tiao)正安排今年六月在華府的國會山莊,為美國議員及助理們舉行一場試映會,台灣政治將首次跨入美國主流電影。

台灣政治融入好萊塢

從二○○六年開始募款籌拍,由於題材敏感勁爆,「被出賣的福爾摩沙」這部電影一直備受關注。這部電影以八○年代為故事背景,描述一位台灣來的教授在美遭到殺害。由於被害人是美國公民,引發美國聯邦調查局跨國查案,也因此揭露了黑名單、職業學生和台獨等錯綜複雜的時代故事。

刁毓能是催生這部電影的最大推手,並因此成立了「福爾摩沙電影公司」。他的父母來自高雄,並且被台灣政府列入黑名單,做為台僑二代子弟,又有豐富的在美參政和娛樂工作經驗,刁毓能興起了把台灣故事帶入好萊塢的電影夢,他參加了一千多場募款餐會,得到美加地區台僑的熱烈支持。

強調認同與社會正義

受邀到洛杉磯參加試映會的台灣人公共事務會發言人何燕青說,「電影真的拍得很感人,很多觀眾在電影結束時都哭了。」台灣觀眾可能從故事中聯想到陳文成博士、「蔣經國傳」作者江南,以及慘遭滅門血案的反對運動領袖林義雄,不過這種感動應是不分國界的。

由於獨立製片在美爭取發行不易,「被出賣的福爾摩沙」將先報名參加多項國際影展,並在美國國會山莊等地舉行小型試映會,逐步喚起美國片商和大眾的注意。

這部片子的導演Adam Kane是好萊塢非常好的紀錄片專家,專門記錄嚴肅的題材。演員則包括深受年輕人喜愛的詹姆斯范德比克(James Van Der Beek),在美國曾被選為「最受歡迎的電視男演員」外,也曾主演電影「主力難當」,俊帥的外型與精湛的演技,被媒體喻為是「布萊德彼特的接班人」。

==========================================================

刁毓能催生拍攝 感謝美加台僑資助

「這不是一部泛藍或泛綠的電影,這是一部美國電影。」帶著興奮的情緒,一手催生「被出賣的福爾摩沙」這部片子的刁毓能自信地表示,這部以台灣白色恐怖為主題,但導演和主要演員皆為美國人的電影,拍得比他預期的要好。

刁毓能說,身為台僑第二代,他有機會了解台灣的政治與歷史,父母的故事對他當然有影響,但就算電影討論的是認同與社會正義,這是娛樂事業,藝術和票房價值也很重要。

他說,當初電影以「殺戮戰場」、「盧安達飯店」、「慕尼黑」等政治懸疑片為藍本,片子預算在五百至一千萬美元之間,但拍出來像二、三千萬成本的大製作,他要感謝身邊最佳的工作團隊。

刁毓能說,二月二十八日的首映會反應很好,但宣傳、參加影展以及尋找發行片商的工作都才剛起步。他說,拍這部電影時並不是以台灣觀眾為對象,而希望觸及美國和全球的影迷,因為多數美國人對於片中的台灣歷史和政治都很陌生,他們需要時間喚起美國大眾的認知和興趣。

充滿活力的刁毓能在訪談中不斷說著,「我很興奮」。因為他認為這部電影可以讓觀眾跨過文化界線,感受到台灣人的掙扎和他們的掙扎是一樣的。他說,好萊塢看到這部片子的潛力,有些資金和資源已開始參與,台灣電影終於在好萊塢爭取到一個立足點。

刁毓能坦白說,資金籌募是獨立製片最大的困難,台灣旅美僑民的踴躍投資是他最大的支持。他說,大家以為這是老一代台灣人的故事,拍完後最大的收穫卻是年輕一代的台僑子弟反應熱烈,讓他驚喜。耶魯和普林斯頓這些知名大學的台灣同學會,陸續邀請他去演講,成為一場跨世代的運動。

Saturday, March 7, 2009

Ma's thesis contained more than 1,000 mistakes

The Taipei Times

http://www.taipeitimes.com/News/front/archives/2009/03/07/2003437835

MISSPELLED, MISATTRIBUTED: A retired teacher said she was so shocked by the president's thesis at Harvard that she carefully analyzed it, finding all kinds of errors
By Richard Hazeldine
STAFF REPORTER
Saturday, Mar 07, 2009, Page 1

President Ma Ying-jeou's (馬英九) Harvard University doctoral thesis contains more than 1,000 errors that violate the university's freshmen writing guidebook, a report on the Boston-based Web site examiner.com said yesterday.

The news could come as an embarrassment to the president, who prides himself on his English ability and served as former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) interpreter shortly after graduating.

Ma’s thesis, which discussed issues surrounding the Diaoyutai Islands, was titled Trouble Over Oily Waters: Legal Problems of Seabed Boundaries and Foreign Investments in the East China Sea. It helped Ma graduate from the university's Law School as a Doctor of Juridical Science (SJD) in 1981.

The errors came to light after a retired teacher interested in Ma's views on the islands looked up the thesis, the story said.

It reported that the retired teacher was so shocked at the “sloppy scholarship” that she spent a whole year studying the document and checking all the footnotes.

The results of her work turned up more than 1,000 errors, including misspellings, missing words, grammatical problems and misattributed material and footnotes, the Web site report said.

The report, by Michael Richardson, said that although the teacher had yet to discover evidence of plagiarism, “she is suspicious and continues digging into the paper.”

The teacher had contacted Ma's former faculty advisor, Detlev Vagts, to voice her concerns, the report said.

It added that Vagts, who said he didn't keep a copy of the work, told the teacher in writing: “Although I would like to be helpful with Ma Ying-jeou’s thesis my ability to do so is limited.”

Nevertheless, he assured the teacher that he had “high standards for approval” and was “fully satisfied that Ma Ying-jeou met those standards.”

Presidential Office Spokesman Wang Yu-chi (王郁琦) said the value of a doctoral thesis should be its viewpoints and contributions to the specific field.

The fact that the president received an SJD from Harvard was the best proof of the quality of his doctoral thesis, he said.

ADDITIONAL REPORTING BY MO YAN-CHIH

Wednesday, March 4, 2009

ECFA poses three likely outcomes for Taiwan

By Peter Chow 周鉅原

Published on Taipei Times
http://www.taipeitimes.com/News/editorials/archives/2009/03/05/2003437650

Thursday, Mar 05, 2009, Page 8

Beijing has blocked Taiwan from signing bilateral free trade agreements (FTA) with many countries, including those in ASEAN, ostensibly to marginalize the nation from regional economic integration. That being the case, why is Beijing now offering to sign a trade pact with Taiwan?

If Beijing were genuinely interested in accommodating Taiwan’s desire to break through this marginalization, it need only allow Taiwan to join the ASEAN FTA, which would fulfill the “open regionalism” principle of the WTO.

Another alternative would be for Beijing to offer “most favored nation” status to Taiwan.

Since neither of these options have come into play, the question arises: What’s behind the proposed economic cooperation framework agreement (ECFA)? Since any negotiation is a “give and take,” it appears that what Beijing would like best is to erode Taiwan’s de facto independence and sovereignty.

There are at least three possible outcomes from the arrangement. The first possibility is that Taiwan would gain economic benefit without suffering an erosion in its sovereignty. This is the version President Ma Ying-jeou’s (馬英九) government has been trying to sell to the Taiwanese people. Under such a scenario, the treaty would be similar to the “Closer Economic Partnership Agreement” between Australia and New Zealand and must be signed in accordance with the WTO trade framework. However, Chinese President Hu Jintao (胡錦濤) has already declared that China would sign a trade pact with Taiwan only under the “one China” principle.

Neither Beijing nor the international community recognizes that there is “another China” as interpreted by the Ma administration. It goes without saying that in claiming that the “one China” in question is the Republic of China, Ma is behaving like an ostrich with its head in the sand.

The second possible outcome would be that Taiwan would suffer from erosion of its sovereignty and even trade off its de facto independence without any economic benefit. This is a likely outcome because China has never recognized the existence of Taiwan in any international context and has just been paying lip service lately to entice Taiwan to unite with the “motherland.”

Whether this scenario would actually occur depends on Ma’s strategy and whether he really cares about the freedom of Taiwan’s 23 million people. It also depends on whether the deal with Beijing was transparent to the public and whether Taiwanese would be persistent enough to fight against it.

The third scenario would be a mixed result, with Taiwan trading off sovereignty for some economic benefit. This would be a sugarcoated poison for Taiwan and would lead it to become like Hong Kong. Even if Ma’s wishes for economic benefit were fulfilled, the trade-off between de facto independence and economic interest would probably only benefit a small segment of Taiwanese businesspeople at the expense of the nation as a whole.

However, the third scenario is the most likely outcome for three reasons. First, China has to get something back from Taipei and eroding Taiwan’s sovereignty is the most attractive return for Beijing. Secondly, sovereignty is a public good, which, unless well-specified, everybody would take for granted and no one would stand up to defend. On the other hand, the economic benefits of cutting tariffs would be concentrated in well-organized interest groups. In any democracy, an organized minority is the majority in policy-making. Thirdly, unless the deal is transparent, the public and even legislators would be blinded and enticed by the bait from Beijing.


Peter Chow is a professor of economics of City University of New York.